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1.
Politics and Governance ; 10(4):38-48, 2022.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2311226

ABSTRACT

In this article, we connect illiberal populism in Hungary with the instrumentalizing of genderphobia through state policies starting from 2010. This became especially salient during the COVID-19 pandemic when a contentious state of emergency laws enabled the government's ruling by decree. Analyzing relevant pieces of legislation and policy documents, we show how genderphobia became a fundamental feature of an expanding far-right agenda that has been playing out in practice since the System of National Cooperation was established in 2010. Genderphobia is the aversion to disrupting dominant gender and sexual hierarchies, by addressing and critically interrogating gendered differences and gender as a social construct. Genderphobia is both an ideology about the fearfulness of gender as well as the action of fear-mongering for political effect. State institutions are gendered and sexualized in that they have been structured on dominant gender and sexual norms that reinforce male and heterosexual dominance. We argue that genderphobia is evident in the rise of anti-LGBTIQ policies and contributes to the weakening of democratic and liberal institutions in Hungary. We will also present examples of the Hungarian government's attempts to monopolize the definition of "the family" and hollow out the social representation of child protection. In addition, we will explore resistance against the recent anti-LGBTIQ policies through children's literature. Our aim is to demonstrate how the Hungarian genderphobic policies ultimately deny not only LGBTIQ human rights but the existence of LGBTIQ youth and children who could benefit from social support as well as representation in education and literature.

2.
International Politics ; 2023.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2262667
3.
East European Politics ; : 1-22, 2022.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2070044

ABSTRACT

Is Covid-19 undermining European democracies? Recent scholarship overlooks the fact that most pandemic-related erosions of democracy can be attributed to illiberal inertia long in place before 2019. Did the democratic decay occur during the pandemic or due to the pandemic? We analyse the extent to which pandemic power grabs succeeded and failed in Europe with special attention to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The executive power of the purse was an opportunity to abuse state resources. Governments that engage in the "pandemic heist" with impunity can be directly linked to a power grab due to the pandemic.

4.
Int J Semiot Law ; 35(3): 961-976, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1859083

ABSTRACT

Can the pandemic measures be used to advance particular political means? The question of correlation between illiberal legal changes adopted amongst the wave of legislation focused on battling COVID has arisen in a number of countries around the world; as an increasing number of states finds leaving restrictions behind in 2022, however, Hong Kong is still battling the Omicron wave of the pandemic. Ever since its transition to China in 1997, Hong Kong has retained its place on the world stage as an international business hub and, while getting closer to the Mainland, enjoyed the freedoms provided by its SAR status. At the same time, by the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century the tensions between the pro-democratic inclinations of the large part of the city's population and pro-Mainland disposition of the SAR's political elite began to rise, with proposals of various legal acts put forward by the local government often perceived as encroaching freedoms. The street-level 'standoff' between the authorities and the people was brought to a halt by the COVID-19 pandemic; and, with protesting rendered virtually impossible, a number of controversial legal changes were introduced by the government taking advantage of the situation, which, together with the anti-pandemic measures have continued to negatively impact the city's financial hub status. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the correlation between Hong Kong's fight with the pandemic and the local government's taking advantage of the situation in order to implement illiberal legislation, and its aftermath.

5.
Europolity-Continuity and Change in European Governance ; 14(2):5-38, 2020.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-1576650
6.
Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies ; 57(3):297-320, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1569361

ABSTRACT

In mid-2021, the Delta strain of the Covid-19 virus caused a second wave of transmissions and deaths in Indonesia at a scale much greater than what was seen in 2020. In this paper, I examine what the Indonesian government’s handling of the Covid crisis in 2021 reveals about the priorities of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), as well as his political agenda and attitude towards the country’s democracy, as he strives to cement his legacy. I argue that, while devastating, the Covid-19 pandemic has given Jokowi the opportunity to push through long-planned economic and political reforms. Furthermore, I contend that, under the guise of promoting social and political stability in the time of Covid, Jokowi has also allowed for further democratic regression in Indonesia through laws that restrict freedom of speech and through the further empowerment of the military and intelligence agencies in civilian life. This paper ends with an examination of Jokowi’s persistently high popularity rating and the discourse surrounding the rumoured push for a constitutional reform that would allow for a third-term Jokowi presidency.

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